Diverse tribal areas were unified and their social structures began to be standardized

2022-04-28 0 By

Yuri, who founded Moscow in 1147, is the representative of the older generation of thinking.The son of Monomachh, he made the Principality of Suzdal independent of monomachh’s legacy and set out to make it bigger and stronger, but his ultimate goal was still the grand duke of Kiev, and as the Maharaja of Suzdal he got it in his own right.Yuri eventually died as grand duke and was buried in a church in Kiev.Dolgoruki’s rebellious son had no interest in Kiev.He moved the capital of his principality from Suzdal to Vladimir and did everything he could to make it a Kiev on the Klyazma.Andrei did not leave Vishgorod empty-handed, but took with him the local Madonna, which came to be known as the Madonna of Vladimir.The transfer of a relic from the Kiev region to Vladimir is the best metaphor for Bogolyubsky’s transfer of power from the south to the north as the capital of Russia, since Kiev’s importance derives from its status as the patriarchate of all Russia.Andre never saw his duchy as part of the land of Rus — he wanted his own capital diocese.Around 1162, seven years before he sacked Kiev, he sent a mission to Constantinople to ask Byzantium to approve his new capital bishop.Constantinople rebuffed him, a huge blow to the ambitious monarch, who had made all the necessary preparations for the establishment of a capital diocese.To welcome a bishop, he built a golden-roofed Basilica of Our Lady of Rest — not unlike Kiev’s golden-roofed St. Michael’s cathedral — but could only accommodate one bishop.Andrei also built a Golden Gate, another project that undoubtedly originated in Kiev.The church and the Golden Gate still stand today as evidence of the ambitions of Vladimir’s maharajah.Like his forebear yaroslavl the Wise, Andrei copied the existing imperial capital to prove his independence from its status.Interestingly, Andrei’s imitation went further than Yaroslavl’s: not only did he move the names of ICONS, ideas and buildings from Kiev to Vladimir, but he also named local landmarks after Places in Kiev.This is how the rivers around Vladimir — the Lipid, Pochaina and Irpin — all get their names from their Kyiv archetype.Yaroslav the Wise and Andrei Bogolubsky, both Rus princes, probably shared similar ethnic cultural identities, but their construction projects suggest that the two princes had different loyalties when it came to the Land of Rus.Yaroslavl’s obvious loyalties to Kiev and the vast territory stretching from Kiev to Novgorod set him apart from Sviatoslav, who had no such attachment,It also sets him apart from Vladimir Monomachh, whose loyalties lie mainly in the “Russ lands” around Kiev, Chernikov and Peleslav.Andrea’s feelings were confined to the part of the Great Rose which he had inherited personally, and which distinguished him from all his predecessors.A variety of Roth identities gradually emerge in roth Chronicles and legal documents.We should examine the changes in the loyalties of the Lords of Rus in the context of the development of these identities.Chronicle of the ancient authors (record events and comment is a heavy work, inheritance) in the generation after generation godsworn have to in their narrative to reconcile the history of the three different identity: Kiev Scandinavian ruler Ross identity, the education of elite Slavic identity, as well as local tribal identities.Although the rulers of Kiev and their subjects adopted the name Rus, the basis of their self-identity was the Slavic rather than Scandinavian identity associated with the name.Rurik princes ruled their lands from the Slavic heartland, and most of their subjects were Slavs.More importantly, the spread of Slavic identity outside the Kiev region was inextricably linked to the acceptance of Byzantine Christianity;Second, church Slavic became the language of Roth prayers, sermons, and intellectual dialogue.In both Slavic and non-Slavic parts of Kiev’s territory, Christianity took on the appearance of Slavic language and Slavic culture.The more Christian Ross became, the more Slavic he became.Kiev’s chroniclers incorporated local history into the larger context of the development of Balkan Slavic culture and, more broadly, the history of Byzantium and Christendom.At the local level, tribal identity has slowly but inevitably given way to local duchies and to centres of military, political and economic power linked to Kiev.Chronicles began to replace aboriginal tribes in their narratives with regions centered around the capitals of the princes.That’s why chroniclers say that members of the army that sacked Kiev in 1169 came from Smolensk, rather than calling them Ladimics.The People of Vyazic or Mariya were called the inhabitants of Suzdal, and the People of Sivilia were also called madame Chernigo.It implied a sense of unity across the land under the Kyiv monarchy.Despite conflicts between rurik maharaja and maharaja, the inhabitants of these lands were regarded by them as “ours” rather than foreigners or pagans.The key is to recognize the authority of the Lords of Rus.When some Turkic steppe tribes recognized this authority, they also began to be called “our heretics”.The political and administrative unification of the diverse tribal areas has led to the standardization of their social structures.Occupying the top of the pyramid were the princes of rurik, or, more accurately, the descendants of Yaroslav the Wise.Beneath them were princes.This group was originally formed by Vikings, but became increasingly Slavic.Together with the local tribal elite, they formed an aristocracy known as the Boyars.These people are fighters, but they also run the country in peacetime.The Boyars were the main landed class.Depending on the duchy, the Boyars had more or less influence on the behaviour of the princes.The bishops of the church and their servants were equally privileged.The remaining members of society had to pay taxes to the maharajah.The civic class, including merchants and artisans, had some political power and could decide some local governance matters at the towne assembly.Local princes’ succession could also be affected by such meetings — occasionally in Kiev, but more often in Novgorod.The majority of the population were peasants without any political power, divided into free peasants and semi-free serfs.The latter may lose their freedom, often because of debt.When the debt is paid or a period of time passes, they can be free again.Then there were slaves, mostly soldiers or peasants who had been captured in battle.A captured soldier’s life as a slave was limited to a certain period of time, while a captured peasant was enslaved for life.The hierarchical structure of Kievan Rus society is best demonstrated in the penal provisions of the Statute Book Rus Justice for different crimes.Legislators wanted to prohibit or limit blood revenge, and at the same time to enrich the pockets of the princes, so they introduced a system of fines, which penalized the killing of members of different classes, and the proceeds went to the princes’ coffers.The penalty for killing a member or relative of a prince (boyar) was 80 hryvnia;The cost of killing a freeman in the service of the maharajah is forty hryvnias;A merchant’s life price is 12 hryvnia;A serf or slave was worth only five hryvnias.However, if a slave struck a free man, it was considered legal to kill the slave.The different regions of Kievan Rus had different customary laws, so the introduction of a common code helped to homogenize the country as a whole, as had been the effect of the radiating of Christian and ecclesiastical Slavic culture from Kiev.As homogeneity spreads, it seems, political fragmentation within Kiev’s borders is almost inevitable.The explosion in the number of Rurik princes who wanted a principality of their own, the vastness of Kiev’s territory, and the diversity of geopolitical and economic interests in the regions within it, are shaking a political body that once united the lands between the Baltic and Black Seas.From “wise men” yaroslav to Andre bo GeLiu booth, Kiev princes geopolitical objectives change reflects their political loyalty decline process: first, from the kievan rus down to the “homeland” Ross defines several principality, and finally in the 12th century and decline in the early 13th century, the principality of peripheral powerful enough to challenge the Kiev.Historians look for the origins of modern East Slavic peoples in these principal-based identities.The principality of Vladimir Suzdal is regarded as the prototype of the early modern Grand Duchy of Moscow, which in turn became the precursor of modern Russia.Belarusian historians look to the principality of Bolotsk for their roots, while Ukrainian historians dig into the foundations of the Ukrainian nation-building movement through the study of the Principality of Galician-Volinia.The ultimate attribution of all these identities to Kiev, however, gives Ukrainians a unique advantage: they can search for their roots without ever leaving the capital.